A befolyásos lap hétfői száma helyszíni riportban számol be a magyarországi gyilkosságsorozatról. A támadásokat és a növekvő cigányellenességet a Jobbik erősödésével és a gárdajárásokkal is összefüggésbe hozzák.
A cigányok elleni előítélet erőszakhullámba torkollt – állapítja meg a New York Times hétfői címlapos anyagának szerzője. Az "Ahogy a gazdasági zűrzavar, a magyarországi cigányok elleni támadások is erősödnek" – című, a tatárszentgyörgyi temetésen készült címlapfotóval illusztrált riport összegzése szerint az elmúlt egy évben legalább hét romát öltek meg, és kisebbségi vezetők mintegy 30, gyakran lövésekkel tarkított molotov-koktélos támadásról tudnak.
A lap viszonylag részletesen beszámol a tiszalöki, nagycsécsi és tatárszentgyörgyi gyilkosságokról. Idézi Bencze József országos rendőrfőkapitány nyilatkozatát, miszerint a feltételezett 40 év körüli elkövetők túl biztos kézzel ölnek, ezért a rendőrség a délszláv háború veteránjaira és a francia idegenlégióban szolgáltakra is kiterjesztette a nyomozást.
A lap kisebbségi szakértőkre hivatkozva megállapítja, hogy az egyre agresszívebb cigányellenességet Magyarországon és a régióban is a szélsőséges pártok gerjesztik, melyek vezetői a romákat szociális ellátórendszeren élősködő, kisstílű bűnözőkként láttatják. Mivel nő a gazdasági és politikai felfordulás, félő, hogy a támadások is tovább erősödnek – írja a New York Times, hivatalos és kisebbségi véleményeket idézve. A cikk megemlíti, hogy a Jobbik népszerűsége a "cigánybűnözés" propagálásának köszönhetően nőtt az ötszázalékos parlamenti küszöb közelébe, és – ellenfeleik szerint – a párthoz köthető félkatonai Magyar Gárda demonstrációi is felkavarták a romaellenes indulatokat.
A New York Times csehországi és szlovákiai támadásokról is beszámol, hozzátéve, hogy az erőszak sehol sem ért el olyan szintet, mint Magyarországon, ahol a 600 ezerre becsült roma kisebbség körében állandósult a félelem és a rettegés. A cikk idézi Mohácsi Viktória EP-képviselőt, aki felrótta, hogy a rendőrség eleinte uzsorások számlájára írta a gyilkosságokat.
A lap közli egy tatárszentgyörgyi asszony véleményét is, aki szerint a bajt a sok roma okozza, akik a gárda tavalyi vonulása után egy ideig "nem voltak olyan hangosak". A riporter a 4 éves tatárszentgyörgyi Csorba Róbert haláláról a tiszalöki áldozat nevelt lányát, Kóka Ágnest is megkérdezte: "Az eset azt mutatta meg, hogy mindegy, jó vagy rossz emberek vagyunk-e. Csak az számít, hogy cigányok vagyunk."
A cigányok elleni előítélet erőszakhullámba torkollt – állapítja meg a New York Times hétfői címlapos anyagának szerzője. Az "Ahogy a gazdasági zűrzavar, a magyarországi cigányok elleni támadások is erősödnek" – című, a tatárszentgyörgyi temetésen készült címlapfotóval illusztrált riport összegzése szerint az elmúlt egy évben legalább hét romát öltek meg, és kisebbségi vezetők mintegy 30, gyakran lövésekkel tarkított molotov-koktélos támadásról tudnak.
A lap viszonylag részletesen beszámol a tiszalöki, nagycsécsi és tatárszentgyörgyi gyilkosságokról. Idézi Bencze József országos rendőrfőkapitány nyilatkozatát, miszerint a feltételezett 40 év körüli elkövetők túl biztos kézzel ölnek, ezért a rendőrség a délszláv háború veteránjaira és a francia idegenlégióban szolgáltakra is kiterjesztette a nyomozást.
A lap kisebbségi szakértőkre hivatkozva megállapítja, hogy az egyre agresszívebb cigányellenességet Magyarországon és a régióban is a szélsőséges pártok gerjesztik, melyek vezetői a romákat szociális ellátórendszeren élősködő, kisstílű bűnözőkként láttatják. Mivel nő a gazdasági és politikai felfordulás, félő, hogy a támadások is tovább erősödnek – írja a New York Times, hivatalos és kisebbségi véleményeket idézve. A cikk megemlíti, hogy a Jobbik népszerűsége a "cigánybűnözés" propagálásának köszönhetően nőtt az ötszázalékos parlamenti küszöb közelébe, és – ellenfeleik szerint – a párthoz köthető félkatonai Magyar Gárda demonstrációi is felkavarták a romaellenes indulatokat.
A New York Times csehországi és szlovákiai támadásokról is beszámol, hozzátéve, hogy az erőszak sehol sem ért el olyan szintet, mint Magyarországon, ahol a 600 ezerre becsült roma kisebbség körében állandósult a félelem és a rettegés. A cikk idézi Mohácsi Viktória EP-képviselőt, aki felrótta, hogy a rendőrség eleinte uzsorások számlájára írta a gyilkosságokat.
A lap közli egy tatárszentgyörgyi asszony véleményét is, aki szerint a bajt a sok roma okozza, akik a gárda tavalyi vonulása után egy ideig "nem voltak olyan hangosak". A riporter a 4 éves tatárszentgyörgyi Csorba Róbert haláláról a tiszalöki áldozat nevelt lányát, Kóka Ágnest is megkérdezte: "Az eset azt mutatta meg, hogy mindegy, jó vagy rossz emberek vagyunk-e. Csak az számít, hogy cigányok vagyunk."
(zsIndex)
Kuruc.info: csak a szokásos – pofátlan, éktelen hazudozás minden szinten. Mindez a cseppet sem jelentéktelen Jew…, bocsánat, New York Times-ban. Annak is a címlapján (!!!). A Tiszalökön meggyilkolt Kóka Jenőről pl. ezt írják: “A gyilkosa számára csak egy cigány volt, és ez elegendő indoknak tűnik [arra, hogy meggyilkolják].” (To his killer, he was just a Gypsy, and that seems to have been reason enough.) Miközben Kókán még csak véletlenül sem figyelhetők meg cigány rasszjegyek, és élete is példás volt – finoman szólva kétséges, hogy egy cigánygyűlölő gárdistajobbikos rászístá pont egy ilyen embert (aki, ráadásul, legalábbis első blikkre, semmiképp nem tűnik mokkának) akarna megölni. Az egyéb körülmények (lásd pl. a telefont az özvegynek) is mind ezt támasztják alá.
Vajon ki a megrendelő? A magyar kormány? Az így, a rászístáveszélyre hivatkozva, mint az egyetlen igaz “antifasiszta”, az országot a nácikoktól megmenteni képes párt, szavazatokra hajtó SZDSZ? Miért nincs külügyi tiltakozás? A kérdés költői: ha nem is ők (vagy az SZDSZ-esek) rendelték meg a cikket (vagy “súgtak”), akkor is ugyanazt a hazugságot fújják, mint az ARTE, a UPI, a Sunday Times, a Spiegel stb (hivatkozások ITT). És, ugye, azoknál sem emelte fel a hangját a külügy...
Függelék: az eredeti, angol cikk. Érdemes megjegyezni, hogy nem kommentálható, szemben a NYT szinte minden egyéb anyagával. Írója, Nicholas Kulish, egy vérgőzös antifasiszta; honlapja ITT van.
Függelék: az eredeti, angol cikk. Érdemes megjegyezni, hogy nem kommentálható, szemben a NYT szinte minden egyéb anyagával. Írója, Nicholas Kulish, egy vérgőzös antifasiszta; honlapja ITT van.
As Economic Turmoil Mounts, So Do Attacks on Hungary’s Gypsies
TISZALOK, Hungary — Jeno Koka was a doting grandfather and dedicated worker on his way to his night-shift job at a chemical plant last week when he was shot dead at his doorstep. To his killer, he was just a Gypsy, and that seems to have been reason enough.
Prejudice against Roma — widely known as Gypsies and long among Europe’s most oppressed minority groups — has swelled into a wave of violence. Over the past year, at least seven Roma have been killed in Hungary, and Roma leaders have counted some 30 Molotov cocktail attacks against Roma homes, often accompanied by sprays of gunfire.
But the police have focused their attention on three fatal attacks since November that they say are linked. The authorities say the attacks may have been carried out by police officers or military personnel, based on the stealth and accuracy with which the victims were killed.
In addition to Mr. Koka’s death, there were the slayings of a Roma man and woman, who were shot after their house was set ablaze last November in Nagycsecs, a town about an hour’s drive from Tiszalok in northeastern Hungary. And in February, a Roma man and his 4-year-old son were gunned down as they tried to escape from their home, which was set on fire in Tatarszentgyorgy, a small town south of Budapest.
Jozsef Bencze, Hungary’s national police chief, said in an interview on Friday with the daily newspaper Nepszabadsag that the perpetrators, believed to be a group of four or more men in their 40s, were killing “with hands that are too confident.” Military counterintelligence is taking part in the investigation, Hungarian radio reported, and Mr. Bencze said the pool of suspects included veterans of the Balkan wars and Hungarian members of the French Foreign Legion.
Experts on Roma issues describe an ever more aggressive atmosphere toward Roma in Hungary and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe, led by extreme right-wing parties, whose leaders are playing on old stereotypes of Roma as petty criminals and drains on social welfare systems at a time of rising economic and political turmoil. As unemployment rises, officials and Roma experts fear the attacks will only intensify.
“One thing to remember, the Holocaust did not start at the gas chambers,” said Lajos Korozs, senior state secretary in the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, who works on Roma issues for the government.
In the Czech Republic, where radical right-wing demonstrators have clashed with the police as they tried to march through Roma neighborhoods, a small child and her parents were severely burned after assailants firebombed their home in the town of Vitkov this month. The police in Slovakia were caught on video recently tormenting six Roma boys they had arrested, forcing them to undress, hit and kiss one another.
But nowhere has the violence reached the level it has in Hungary, spreading fear and intimidation through a Roma population of roughly 600,000. (Estimates vary widely in part because Roma say they are afraid to identify themselves in surveys.)
Last Wednesday, Mr. Koka, 54, had just finished a cup of coffee and brought his wife supper in their bedroom when he went outside to start his orange Opel Astra for his nightly drive to work. His wife, Eva, said she heard his body hit the ground, but did not realize it until she went outside and found him lying in a pool of blood a few paces from the doorframe.
“I tried to lift his hand and his head, but he didn’t say a word,” said Ms. Koka, whose brother rushed over from his home across the street and tried to perform CPR on Mr. Koka, who had been shot in the chest. “If he had not been dead he would have said goodbye to me,” Ms. Koka said in an interview at their home.
Viktoria Mohacsi, a Roma member of the European Parliament, said the police — who still decline to explicitly name ethnicity as a motive in the cases — were slow to recognize the blossoming violence against the community. “At the beginning, they said it was illegal money lenders or that it was Roma killing each other,” Ms. Mohacsi said, as she visited the Koka family here in Tiszalok on Friday.
“In the past five years, attitudes toward Roma in many parts of Eastern Europe have hardened, and new extremists have started to use the Roma issue in a way that either they didn’t dare to or didn’t get an airing before,” said Michael Stewart, coordinator of the Europe-wide Roma Research Network.
The extreme-right party Jobbik has used the issue of what its leaders call “Gypsy crime” to rise in the polls to near the 5 percent threshold for seats in Hungary’s Parliament in next year’s election, which would be a first for the party. Opponents accuse the Hungarian Guard, the paramilitary group associated with the party, of staging marches and public meetings to stir up anti-Roma sentiment and to intimidate the local Roma population.
The group held a rally last year in Tiszalok and in 2007 in Tatarszentgyorgy, the town where the father and son were killed in February, an act that some residents deplored while in the same breath complaining about a spate of break-ins in town that they blamed on Roma.
“The situation is bad because of the many Roma,” said Eva, 45, a non-Roma Hungarian in Tatarszentgyorgy who declined to give her last name, out of what she said was fear of reprisals. “When the guard was here, for a while they weren’t so loud. It helped.”
Since the attacks in Tatarszentgyorgy, some local residents have joined their terrified Roma neighbors in nighttime patrols, looking for strange cars armed with nothing but searchlights.
“We are living in fear, all the Roma people are,” said Csaba Csorba, 48, whose son Robert, 27, and grandson, also named Robert, were killed by a blast from a shotgun shortly after midnight in the February attack. They were buried together in one coffin, the little boy laid to rest on his father’s chest.
The child’s death in particular shook Roma here. “It proved to us it doesn’t matter whether we are good people or bad people,” said Agnes Koka, 32, the niece and goddaughter of Mr. Koka, who relatives said loved to bring candy and fruit to his grandchildren. “It only matters that we are Gypsy,” Ms. Koka said.
TISZALOK, Hungary — Jeno Koka was a doting grandfather and dedicated worker on his way to his night-shift job at a chemical plant last week when he was shot dead at his doorstep. To his killer, he was just a Gypsy, and that seems to have been reason enough.
Prejudice against Roma — widely known as Gypsies and long among Europe’s most oppressed minority groups — has swelled into a wave of violence. Over the past year, at least seven Roma have been killed in Hungary, and Roma leaders have counted some 30 Molotov cocktail attacks against Roma homes, often accompanied by sprays of gunfire.
But the police have focused their attention on three fatal attacks since November that they say are linked. The authorities say the attacks may have been carried out by police officers or military personnel, based on the stealth and accuracy with which the victims were killed.
In addition to Mr. Koka’s death, there were the slayings of a Roma man and woman, who were shot after their house was set ablaze last November in Nagycsecs, a town about an hour’s drive from Tiszalok in northeastern Hungary. And in February, a Roma man and his 4-year-old son were gunned down as they tried to escape from their home, which was set on fire in Tatarszentgyorgy, a small town south of Budapest.
Jozsef Bencze, Hungary’s national police chief, said in an interview on Friday with the daily newspaper Nepszabadsag that the perpetrators, believed to be a group of four or more men in their 40s, were killing “with hands that are too confident.” Military counterintelligence is taking part in the investigation, Hungarian radio reported, and Mr. Bencze said the pool of suspects included veterans of the Balkan wars and Hungarian members of the French Foreign Legion.
Experts on Roma issues describe an ever more aggressive atmosphere toward Roma in Hungary and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe, led by extreme right-wing parties, whose leaders are playing on old stereotypes of Roma as petty criminals and drains on social welfare systems at a time of rising economic and political turmoil. As unemployment rises, officials and Roma experts fear the attacks will only intensify.
“One thing to remember, the Holocaust did not start at the gas chambers,” said Lajos Korozs, senior state secretary in the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, who works on Roma issues for the government.
In the Czech Republic, where radical right-wing demonstrators have clashed with the police as they tried to march through Roma neighborhoods, a small child and her parents were severely burned after assailants firebombed their home in the town of Vitkov this month. The police in Slovakia were caught on video recently tormenting six Roma boys they had arrested, forcing them to undress, hit and kiss one another.
But nowhere has the violence reached the level it has in Hungary, spreading fear and intimidation through a Roma population of roughly 600,000. (Estimates vary widely in part because Roma say they are afraid to identify themselves in surveys.)
Last Wednesday, Mr. Koka, 54, had just finished a cup of coffee and brought his wife supper in their bedroom when he went outside to start his orange Opel Astra for his nightly drive to work. His wife, Eva, said she heard his body hit the ground, but did not realize it until she went outside and found him lying in a pool of blood a few paces from the doorframe.
“I tried to lift his hand and his head, but he didn’t say a word,” said Ms. Koka, whose brother rushed over from his home across the street and tried to perform CPR on Mr. Koka, who had been shot in the chest. “If he had not been dead he would have said goodbye to me,” Ms. Koka said in an interview at their home.
Viktoria Mohacsi, a Roma member of the European Parliament, said the police — who still decline to explicitly name ethnicity as a motive in the cases — were slow to recognize the blossoming violence against the community. “At the beginning, they said it was illegal money lenders or that it was Roma killing each other,” Ms. Mohacsi said, as she visited the Koka family here in Tiszalok on Friday.
“In the past five years, attitudes toward Roma in many parts of Eastern Europe have hardened, and new extremists have started to use the Roma issue in a way that either they didn’t dare to or didn’t get an airing before,” said Michael Stewart, coordinator of the Europe-wide Roma Research Network.
The extreme-right party Jobbik has used the issue of what its leaders call “Gypsy crime” to rise in the polls to near the 5 percent threshold for seats in Hungary’s Parliament in next year’s election, which would be a first for the party. Opponents accuse the Hungarian Guard, the paramilitary group associated with the party, of staging marches and public meetings to stir up anti-Roma sentiment and to intimidate the local Roma population.
The group held a rally last year in Tiszalok and in 2007 in Tatarszentgyorgy, the town where the father and son were killed in February, an act that some residents deplored while in the same breath complaining about a spate of break-ins in town that they blamed on Roma.
“The situation is bad because of the many Roma,” said Eva, 45, a non-Roma Hungarian in Tatarszentgyorgy who declined to give her last name, out of what she said was fear of reprisals. “When the guard was here, for a while they weren’t so loud. It helped.”
Since the attacks in Tatarszentgyorgy, some local residents have joined their terrified Roma neighbors in nighttime patrols, looking for strange cars armed with nothing but searchlights.
“We are living in fear, all the Roma people are,” said Csaba Csorba, 48, whose son Robert, 27, and grandson, also named Robert, were killed by a blast from a shotgun shortly after midnight in the February attack. They were buried together in one coffin, the little boy laid to rest on his father’s chest.
The child’s death in particular shook Roma here. “It proved to us it doesn’t matter whether we are good people or bad people,” said Agnes Koka, 32, the niece and goddaughter of Mr. Koka, who relatives said loved to bring candy and fruit to his grandchildren. “It only matters that we are Gypsy,” Ms. Koka said.
